Just days after war erupted in Sudan between the Sudanese Armed Forces and the Rapid Support Forces (RSF) on 15 April 2023, Saudi Arabia positioned itself as a mediator, seeking to end the fighting and prevent the conflict from spreading.
However, as the war continued, questions emerged about Riyadh’s wider regional strategy and its relationships with parties involved in conflicts around the Red Sea.
Reports have alleged that Saudi support for Sudan’s army extended beyond diplomacy, while its military intervention in Yemen and security partnerships in the Horn of Africa have also attracted scrutiny.
These developments raise a central question: can Saudi Arabia act as a neutral mediator while maintaining relationships that may influence the balance of power in regional conflicts?
Saudi Arabia’s role in Sudan: Jeddah’s mediation faces questions
The Jeddah talks, facilitated by Saudi Arabia and the United States, became a major diplomatic initiative following the outbreak of Sudan’s war.
On 11 May 2023, the Sudanese Armed Forces and the RSF signed a declaration committing themselves to protecting civilians and facilitating humanitarian assistance.
However, the agreements failed to produce a lasting ceasefire, and subsequent diplomatic efforts struggled to end the fighting.
The failure of the negotiations has raised questions about the influence of regional powers and their ability to persuade the warring parties to compromise.
Reports allege Saudi military support for Sudan’s army
Questions about Riyadh’s role intensified following reports alleging that Saudi Arabia supplied military equipment to the Sudanese Armed Forces.
In February 2026, Intelligence Online reported that Saudi Arabia had transferred three batteries of M777 155mm howitzers to Sudan’s army, alongside ammunition.
The publication also cited intelligence sources who said Ukrainian operatives had trained Sudanese artillery personnel.
A separate investigation published by the European Centre for Strategic Studies and Policy in July 2026 alleged that executive flights linked Riyadh and Port Sudan and described a wider network of logistical and military support.
These reports raise questions about whether Saudi involvement has affected the military balance.
However, the allegations should not be treated as independently established facts without further corroboration or a response from Saudi authorities.
Saudi Arabia’s role as Sudan’s humanitarian crisis deepens
The war has devastated communities across Sudan, displacing millions and disrupting access to food, healthcare and other essential services.
According to UNICEF’s August 2026 humanitarian situation report, 33.7 million people in Sudan required humanitarian assistance during 2026.
The scale of the crisis has increased pressure on international and regional powers to secure a ceasefire and improve humanitarian access.
Although Saudi Arabia has participated in mediation efforts, questions remain about whether diplomatic initiatives can produce meaningful progress while fighting continues.
Pakistan arms deal complicates the picture
Saudi Arabia’s role in Sudan cannot be described simply as uninterrupted military support.
On 20 April 2026, Reuters reported that Pakistan had suspended a proposed $1.5 billion weapons and aircraft deal with Sudan after Saudi Arabia objected and withdrew plans to finance the purchase.
According to Pakistani security and diplomatic sources cited by Reuters, Riyadh urged Islamabad to terminate the agreement.
The report complicates the argument that Saudi policy has consistently favoured military escalation.
It also highlights the importance of examining individual decisions rather than assuming that every Saudi action supports the same outcome.
Saudi Arabia in Yemen
Saudi Arabia’s involvement in regional conflicts also extends to Yemen, where it began a military intervention in March 2015 as part of a coalition supporting the internationally recognised government against the Houthi movement.
The prolonged conflict illustrates the difficulties facing a state that combines military involvement with subsequent diplomatic engagement.
Saudi Arabia’s relationship with Yemen’s Islah party has also attracted attention because of the party’s diverse Islamist, tribal and political currents.
However, claims that these relationships amount to support for extremist groups require specific evidence and careful distinction between political cooperation and material assistance to armed organisations.
Source: United Nations Security Council — Yemen
Terrorism allegations require careful scrutiny
Saudi Arabia’s relationships with Islamist political movements and allegations involving extremist financing have prompted further scrutiny.
A paper published by the European Foundation for Democracy on 23 October 2026 reportedly examined the influence of Islamist networks within Sudan’s political and security institutions and questioned Riyadh’s relationships with actors connected to those networks.
Separately, historical US diplomatic cables published by WikiLeaks in 2010 documented concerns about private donations from Saudi sources reaching extremist groups.
The United Nations also imposed sanctions on certain entities and individuals associated with al-Qaida.
These historical cases should not, by themselves, be treated as proof that the current Saudi government supports terrorism.
Any assessment of present-day state policy requires evidence identifying the actors involved, the nature of their support and when it occurred.
Ethiopia and Eritrea: Competition for Red Sea influence
The strategic importance of the Red Sea also intersects with tensions between Ethiopia and Eritrea.
Eritrea controls a stretch of Red Sea coastline, including the ports of Assab and Massawa, while landlocked Ethiopia relies on neighbouring countries for access to international shipping routes.
Saudi Arabia has previously pursued diplomacy between the two countries.
However, claims that Riyadh supports the Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF) in its conflict with Ethiopia’s federal government require stronger evidence before they can be presented as fact.
An October 2026 Al Jazeera analysis noted that Saudi Arabia had not publicly announced its position on the renewed fighting in Tigray and discussed its previous diplomatic efforts in the region.
Saudi Arabia and Somalia: A growing security partnership
Saudi Arabia’s security ties with Somalia have also drawn attention following reports of a training programme involving thousands of Somali recruits.
In July 2026, The Standard reported that a Saudi-backed programme was training 5 107 Somali troops over nine months.
The report said the Somali federal government had not publicly confirmed the number of recruits or released full details of the selection process.
Other reports have raised concerns about whether personnel or resources connected to the programme could eventually be used in other conflict zones, including Sudan.
Such suggestions remain allegations and should not be presented as an established deployment plan.
The programme nevertheless highlights the growing importance of Saudi-Somali defence cooperation in a region where security partnerships overlap with wider geopolitical competition.
Can Saudi Arabia be both mediator and player?
Saudi Arabia continues to present itself as a supporter of dialogue and regional stability, while its relationships with governments and armed forces across the Red Sea region attract scrutiny.
The evidence does not support treating every allegation against Riyadh as established fact. However, reports of military transfers, security partnerships and diplomatic initiatives raise legitimate questions about how its regional influence is exercised.
Ultimately, Saudi Arabia’s role should be assessed through verifiable actions and their consequences for peace, humanitarian access and regional security.
Can a state be both referee and player in conflicts it is trying to resolve? The answer depends not only on its diplomatic declarations, but also on the evidence of what it does on the ground.
